No. 240 NAI DFA 410/37

Memorandum from Frederick H. Boland to Éamon de Valera (Dublin) with draft instruction to representatives abroad

Dublin, 3 December 1946

  1. This is a draft instruction to be sent to the representatives abroad, in accordance with the resolution about Archbishop Stepinac passed by the Dáil on the 21st November.1
  2. The draft would go to our representatives in the United States, Canada, Australia, Great Britain, France, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Switzerland and Sweden.
  3. Representations similar to those contained in the draft would be made to Holland, Chile, Brazil, Denmark and Czechoslovakia, through the representatives of those countries in Dublin.
  4. The Ambassador to the Holy See would be kept informed.
  5. It seems desirable to leave a certain amount of latitude to the man on the spot, owing to the differences in the policies and outlooks of the various Governments with whom we are in diplomatic relations. The new Italian Foreign Minister is notorious for his fanatical opposition to the Church and religion.2 Sweden would be very sensitive to anything that smacked of opposition to Russia or the Russian-controlled States in Eastern Europe. The Spanish Foreign Minister3 is not likely to be impressed by the references to the United Nations Charter and the resolution recently passed by the General Assembly of the United Nations.

[draft instruction]

I am directed by the Minister to send you herewith the text of a resolution regarding the condemnation of Archbishop Stepinac and related matters, which was passed by Dáil Éireann on the 21st November.

In accordance with the terms of the resolution, I am to request you to be good enough to seek an interview, as soon as possible, with the Foreign Minister or his Deputy. You should leave with him the full text of the resolution and make verbal representations to him on the following lines:-

  1.  You should point out, first, that the resolution was passed unanimously by Dáil Éireann, and that it thus represents the point of view of the over-whelming mass of public opinion in this country, irrespective of political opinion or religious belief.
  2.  You should emphasize that, while the immediate occasion of the resolution was the condemnation of Archbishop Stepinac - which the Irish Government are convinced was contrary to all accepted ideas of right and justice - the resolution itself is not aimed against any particular country or any particular group of countries. It is aimed against an evil (i.e., the evil of religious persecution) which, by embittering international relations, compromises the prospects of international peace.
  3.  The Irish Government were glad to learn of the resolution about fundamental human rights passed by the United Nations Assembly on the [blank] and of the other efforts which are being made to secure an international convention guaranteeing such rights, including the right of religious liberty. The idea was, of course suggested as long ago as 1919 by President Wilson at the Versailles Conference. It was taken up by the Taoiseach himself at the League Assembly in 1934, (see 'Peace and War', pp 29, 33-4 & 79-80). More recently, prominent public men, such as Mr. John W. Davis, former United States Ambassador to Great Britain, and of course, Lord Templewood4, have advocated the idea, to which sanction is given in general terms in the 'Statement of Purposes' contained in the United Nations Charter.
  4.  In advocating the combined action of liberty-loving States to secure the acceptance of freedom of conscience as one of the basic principles of world organisation, therefore, the Irish Government are not advocating something new. They are merely stressing the importance and urgency of giving practical effect to a principle which already commands a wide measure of international acceptance.
  5.  The Irish Government are convinced that the best method of putting an end to religious persecution, and of averting the threat to peace which the continuance of religious persecution must inevitably create, lies in the application of pressure by the Governments of liberty-loving States to bring about, as soon as possible, the conclusion of an international convention laying down the principle and providing effective machinery to secure its observance. They stress particularly the necessity for providing machinery to ensure that whatever principles are adopted are observed in practice.
  6.  The Irish Government sincerely hope that the Government of .................. will take these views into earnest consideration and will use the influence at their command to hasten effective international action to the ends suggested in the resolution.

While it is desirable that you should refer to all the foregoing points, you yourself will be in the best position to judge, from your knowledge of the policy and outlook of the Foreign Minister, what relative emphasis will best be given to each of them with a view to impressing, and securing effective action by, the Government to which you are accredited.

You will already have received the Official Report of the Dáil Debate on the resolution. You will, no doubt, desire to read this before seeing the Foreign Minister.

As soon as you have made the démarche indicated in this minute, I should be glad if you would report to the Department at once giving a full account of the conversation.

1 See Dáil Debates, vol. 103, 21 November 1946, cols. 1322-1402.

2 Pietro Nenni (1891-1980), Italian foreign minister (1946-7).

3 Alberto Martin-Artajo y Álvarez (1905-79), Spanish foreign minister (1945-57).

4 Sir Samuel Hoare, Viscount Templewood (1880-1959), British Conservative politician, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1935), First Lord of the Admiralty (1936-7).


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