No. 261 NAI TSCH/2/2/10
Extract from the minutes of a meeting of the Cabinet
'Schedule: Aide-Mémoire'
(GC 5/67) (Item 2) (S14291) (Top Secret)
Dublin, 8 February 1949
- We are deeply indebted to the Government of the United States for its Aide-Mémoire of the 7th January1 seeking informally the views of the Irish Government concerning the proposed North Atlantic Security Treaty. The Government of Ireland has carefully considered the matter and its general attitude with regard to it may be stated as follows.
- Ireland is essentially a democratic and freedom-loving nation. By long tradition, she is deeply attached to the ideals of Christian civilisation and the democratic way of life. For the Irish people, these ideals include not merely faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person, but also respect for the right of national self-determination and the democratic principles of political, civil and religious liberty and tolerance. The strength of the Irish nation's attachment to these ideals is shown in the fact that Ireland, or rather that portion of Ireland which is under the control of the Irish Government, has remained, to a greater extent than any other European State, immune from the spread of Communism. Mindful of her Christian and democratic traditions, Ireland is earnestly desirous of playing a full part in protecting Christian civilisation and the democratic way of life. Therefore, with the general aim of the proposed Treaty, the Irish Government is in agreement.
- In the matter of military measures, however, Ireland is faced with grave difficulties, from the strategic and political points of view, by reason of the fact that six of her north-eastern counties are occupied by British forces against the will of the overwhelming majority of the Irish people.
- No country in the world can claim to have more clearly defined boundaries, a more homogenous population or a more distinct national history than Ireland. In spite of this, Ireland was partitioned by an Act of the British Parliament in 1920 for which not a single Irish representative voted. The continued partition of Ireland is naturally and bitterly resented by the Irish people as a violation of Ireland's territorial integrity and as a denial of the elementary democratic right of national self-determination.
- In these circumstances, any military alliance with, or commitment involving military action jointly with, the State that is responsible for the unnatural division of Ireland, which occupies a portion of our country with its armed forces, and which supports undemocratic institutions in the north-eastern corner of Ireland, would be entirely repugnant and unacceptable to the Irish people. No Irish Government, whatever its political views, could participate with Britain in a military alliance while this situation continues, without running counter to the national sentiment of the Irish people. If it did, it would run the risk of having to face, in the event of a crisis, the likelihood of civil conflict within its own jurisdiction.
- The strategic aspects of the matter present no less difficulty. It is quite obvious that the defence of a small island such as Ireland can only be undertaken satisfactorily by a single authority having at its back the firm support of a decisive majority of the Irish people. The political and strategic difficulties of sharing the defence of this island with the Power that is wrongfully occupying a portion of it are obvious.
- Moreover, the area partitioned off from the rest of Ireland is essentially the industrial area of the country. Having regard to the dependence of defence in modern conditions on economic factors, Ireland's participation in any joint scheme of defence would, to be effective, require that the productive capacity of the island as a whole be suitably integrated under one central authority assured of the necessary degree of popular support. The partition of the country renders this impossible.
- The difficulties referred to are enhanced and aggravated by the undemocratic practices of the Northern Ireland Government. These militate against the efforts of the Irish Government to maintain confidence in the possibility of solving Partition by democratic means. Furthermore, in an area approximating four of the six counties which have been cut away from the rest of Ireland, there is an over-all majority against this unnatural division of our country. This over-all majority considers itself undemocratically coerced by being prevented from uniting with the rest of Ireland. In these circumstances, it would be impossible to find the necessary sympathy and support for a military alliance with the Power that is giving its sanction, tacit or active, to some of the very evils against which the proposed Pact is directed.
- We have stated our views frankly and unequivocally because we felt that, in a matter of such importance, it was necessary to face the realities of the situation. The frankness of our statement as to the position in relation to the partition of our country might convey the impression that the Irish Government was actuated by feelings of hostility towards Britain. Such an impression would be quite erroneous and, indeed, contrary to the facts. In difficult circumstances, the Irish Government continues to strive for a closer and better relationship with its great neighbour, Britain.
- Now that the Republic of Ireland Act has removed the last constitutional limitation of Irish sovereignty, there is only one outstanding cause of friction and misunderstanding between Ireland and Britain - the enforced partition of our country. The Irish Government is keenly anxious to develop better relations with Britain. Considering as it does that this is in the interest not merely of Ireland but of Britain as well, the Irish Government believes that every consideration of constructive statesmanship points to the necessity of ending, once and for all, the centuries-old conflict between the two islands. There are so many factors and so many interests making for good neighbourly relations between Ireland and Britain that it is inconceivable that, once British interference in Ireland were removed and the ordinary geographical ideological and other forces given full play, Ireland should ever constitute a source of danger or embarrassment to Britain in time of war. Any detached or impartial survey of the strategic and political position must lead to the conclusion that a friendly and united Ireland on Britain's western approaches is not merely in the interest of Britain, but in the interest of all countries concerned with the security of the Atlantic area.
- We feel, therefore, that the wisest and most realistic approach to the question of North Atlantic security lies, so far as Ireland is concerned, in ending a situation which threatens the peace of these islands and which may, at any moment, prove a source of grave embarrassment to both Britain and Ireland. Sooner or later, the question will have to be solved. The Government of Ireland feels strongly that it is better to face the question in a realistic fashion and as a matter of urgency now, rather than allow a situation develop wherein a solution might be more difficult.
- The Irish Government is convinced that, far from rendering disservice to Britain, the bringing about of a solution of this question would strengthen Britain's defensive position and increase the security of the States of the Atlantic community. By offering their assistance and mediation, and by creating a situation wherein the problem could be discussed, the participating nations would help to end an undemocratic and dangerous situation, and in doing so would render an invaluable service by strengthening the internal harmony and cohesion of the community of states in the North Atlantic.
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