'Report on Visit to Six Counties by Mr. Belton and Dr. MacWhite,
September 20-23, 1955'
(Secret and Confidential)

1. Itinerary and Persons contacted
   1. Our visit which covered the best part of four days covered Belfast, Derry, Omagh and Armagh. As well as interviewing the contacts to which Dr. Cruise O’Brien had introduced us we made some new contacts. Our contacts covered the range from moderate Unionist and neutral Protestant in Belfast to the oppressed Derry Nationalists.
   2. In the moderate Protestant Group we had discussions with the following:

      Sir Graham Larmor, President of the Irish Association and Managing Director of the Ulster Weaving Co., a leading Belfast industrialist.

      Mrs. Irene Calvert, former Unionist MP, Secretary of the Irish Association and Personnel Manager of the Ulster Weaving Co.Mr. Stewart, A Scotsman, South American representative of the Ulster Weaving Co.

      Dr. Emelaus,¹ Professor of Physics in Queen’s University Belfast (separate report attached).² Mrs. Calvert was instrumental in making contact with Professor Emelaus. He represents Queen’s University and the Six Counties on a number of bodies dealing with Atomic Energy matters. He is highly respected on all sides in Belfast and is an acknowledged expert in the field of nuclear physics.

      Dr. E. Estyn Evans,³ Professor of Geography, Queen’s University Belfast. (E. McW. only). Professor Evans is a Welshman who is widely respected as being one of the few brilliant members of the QUB staff who made the University his life and career and did not regard it as a mere stepping stone to a British post. Politically he is fairly neutral. He is a well known expert in Irish Archaeology and a pioneer in the study of Irish material folk-culture and through this work has many contacts in Dublin. One of his students who has specialised in some fields in which Dr. MacWhite has published work and who wished to meet him is Mr. V.B. Proudfoot,⁴ whose father is Managing Director of the Northern Whig. Unfortunately it was not possible to effect this contact on the present visit.

   3. In the nationalist sector we had detailed discussions with:

      Mr. James McSparran, QC, President of the Anti-Partition League.

      Mr. Cahir Healy, MP the oldest and one of the most widely known and respected of the Six County Nationalist leaders. Unfortunately our conversations with Mr. Healy were carried on in the presence of the ‘Omagh Group’ with whose policy he is not in full agreement and a free discussion of his views was thus rather inhibited.

      Mr. Roderick O’Connor, MP, Solicitor and owner of the Ulster Herald chain of newspapers, leader of the ‘Omagh Group’ of whom we saw the following: Senator P.F. McGill, editor of the Ulster Herald and the most astute member of the Group, Mr. Michael O’Neill, former Westminster MP for Mid-Ulster, Senator Lynch, and Mr. Edward McCullough,⁵ former Stormont MP who as a prosperous farmer is both the youngest member of the Group and the only one not financially dependent on the Ulster Herald.

      Professor Frank McCauley of St. Columb’s College, Derry, vice-president of the Derry Catholic Voters Registration Committee and a leader writer on the Derry Journal. Professor McCauley is the leading intellectual force of the Derry Nationalist Group.

      Mr. Hugh McAteer, younger brother of Mr. E. McAteer, formerly a prominent IRA leader who is believed to have some contacts with Sinn Féin, although he has publicly disassociated himself from them and denies any contact.

      Mr. Patrick Scott, I[rish] N[ews] A[gency] correspondent in Belfast, an exceptionally well informed and competent newspaperman who knows everybody in Belfast.

[matter omitted]

5. Economic and other forms of co-operation with the Six Counties
   1. 6 Here we are concerned with the broad issues involved and the Nationalist reactions thereto.
   2. Despite the proposed payments agreement Sir Graham Larmor, who is well informed of the Brazilian situation up to date is still convinced that a barter agreement with Brazil remains feasible. We made it clear that the problem is beset with difficulty. If his proposals were accepted and a successful barter deal could be effected it should theoretically go a long way towards convincing Ulster business men that they might get a fairer crack of the whip from Dublin than from Whitehall. The Six County Ministry of Commerce has no liberty in export matters and merely acts as a post office for the Board of Trade. In the linen business, in which some leading Orangemen have heavy financial interests, there has been increasing dissatisfaction of the Stormont Ministry of Commerce. Sir Graham emphasised his belief that economic co-operation came first and only a solid economic base could serve as a foundation for effective co-operation in social and cultural fields which might eventually break down the barriers of bigotry and hostility which separate North from South. We did not, naturally, discuss the Larmor proposals with the various Nationalist groups we met, except briefly with Senator Lennon upon whose absolute discretion we can rely. As he informed us before, Senator Lennon considers the proposal an excellent one and discreetly used (especially if other occasions should arise) a useful weapon to knock down some of the barriers of discrimination in employment. If such economic aid were made only on condition that the Northern firms concerned did not practice discrimination or would undertake to cease to do so, it would he felt sure be generally welcomed in Nationalist circles.
   3. We sounded the possible attitude of the Six County Nationalists to the employment of Queen’s University Graduates, whether Protestant or not in certain technical spheres in which we in the Twenty-Six Counties did not have enough trained personnel. On this point there was universal agreement and even Mr. McAteer said that not only was it preferable to seek candidates for such posts in preference to Britain, Germany or elsewhere but that it was desirable to emphasise that an Orangeman was as good an Irishman as anyone else. Mr. McAteer also said that he was in full agreement with the suggestion made by Deputy Anthony Barry⁷ in the Dáil that Irish Shipping should make a point of ordering its ships in Belfast.
   4. Senator Lennon said that Dublin should allow more Six County men, both Unionist and Nationalist, into important positions if they have the qualifications. Even a limited policy on these lines would help in breaking down the increasing British outlook among the Unionists who have no alternative to looking to London for their future whether via Westminster or Whitehall.
   5. Dublin holds many attractions even for Belfast Orangemen and this both Senator Lennon and Mr. Scott feel should be encouraged in every way. While if attempted on a large scale, ‘throwing open jobs’ to Six County men of all colours may present difficulties, there are some fields in which this can be done without much cost. Thus Professor Estyn Evans suggested tactfully that more Queen’s University men could be invited to participate in the Thomas Davis Lectures whose standing is regarded as ‘Third Programme level’.⁸ Interchange of lectures to learned and cultural bodies of all kinds should be encouraged as much as possible. Through such bodies as the Royal Irish Academy and the Royal Dublin Society Dublin is very much the cultural capital of Ireland even to many an Orangeman and this sentiment should be fostered as much as possible.

[matter omitted]

6. The present strength and future prospects of Sinn Féin as a political force
   1. Any analysis and discussion of the strength of the present Sinn Féin element is complicated by the fact that Sinn Féin has obtained the voting support of a large body of Nationalist opinion which is opposed to it simply because the only way to vote anti-Unionist was to vote for Sinn Féin. Furthermore it is clear that Sinn Féin does not have the wholehearted support of all believers in ‘physical force’ (e.g. Mr. Hugh McAteer) nor of the ‘abstentionist’ block, though many supporters of these concepts would in a straight election probably support Sinn Féin as against the Anti-Partition League. Estimates of the effective strength of Sinn Féin, i.e. Northern Nationalists prepared to give support either by ‘active service’ or sheltering men on the run etc. range around the 5% mark. The personnel concerned here are mainly concentrated in rural areas consisting largely of the farm labouring type and the sons of small farmers who have no family or other responsibilities. Their educational level is low. On the whole their sincerity is not doubted. The character and integrity of the men now under prison sentences has, we are informed, even won the respect of many Unionists.
   2. Estimates as to the voting strength that Sinn Féin might command at the moment tend to average at 25%-35% of the Nationalist vote when figures were mentioned. In Derry, however, neither Mr. E. McAteer nor Professor McCauley would be prepared to commit themselves to any figure. In their opinion the result of a contest between Sinn Féin and the Anti-Partition League could be greatly influenced by day to day events. If the IRA could pull off a successful coup a few days before an election it would have an electrifying effect on the voters. With a few failures Sinn Féin would tend to disappear (Mr. Hugh McAteer concurred in this opinion). At the moment they had been relatively successful but as political memory is short they would have to do something more to keep themselves ahead in the public mind and it is not in the nature of things that their luck would continue.
   3. It is generally agreed that Sinn Féin will not contest the Stormont elections. While there are differences of opinion as to the value of attendance at Westminster, all shades of Nationalist opinion are agreed that representation at Stormont is the only protection the minority have against the more vicious forms of discrimination and exploitation. Ecclesiastical properties (e.g. the Mater Hospital, Belfast) and Education matters give the Church a vested interest in Stormont representation and the majority of Nationalists will never oppose the wishes of the Church. If Sinn Féin were to be so rash as to try to enter the Stormont elections on some sort of an abstentionist basis they would alienate most of their support and solidify their opponents in the Nationalist camp.
   4. From various remarks made to us in Omagh it would appear that there are a few priests in the Six Counties who have certain sympathies with Sinn Féin, though in the case of some of these it is probable that they were only using Sinn Féin as a weapon in the old fight between abstentionists and constitutionalists. The attitude of the hierarchy was summed up by Monsignor Arthur Ryan of Belfast during our last visit who replied to the question ‘Is the hierarchy anxious, willing, able or prepared to come out openly against Sinn Féin?’ in the following words: ‘Anxious, yes; willing, no; able, yes; prepared, no.’ Senator Lennon who is on close friendly terms with the Cardinal does not think that His Eminence will be prepared to say any more than he did last December when he warned the clergy of his diocese against encouraging support of Sinn Féin. On the parish level the PPs would be reluctant to take a stand which might split their parish.

7. The position of Fianna Uladh
   1. No one with whom we talked had a good word to say for Senator Liam Kelly and Fianna Uladh. Even Mr. E. McAteer whose views tend to extremism and Senator Lennon who is a brother-in-law of Mr. Kelly express nothing but contempt for the whole movement and its supporters. Nothing but regret was expressed at Mr. Kelly’s nomination to the Irish Senate. Mr. McSparran described the appointment as ‘a disaster’. (On the question of nominating Six County men to the Senate, Mr. McSparran made the astonishing suggestion that the man most deserving of such recognition is Mr. Gerald Annesley, an Orangeman who came out publicly against Partition and ‘who got no thanks from the Irish Government for it.’)
   2. We have heard it suggested that owing to the fact that a Stormont candidate can only be declared elected if he makes a declaration that he will take his seat that the Sinn Féin group will not desert their abstentionist and non-recognition platforms but enter into some sort of alliance with Fianna Uladh. It is clear from the reception given to Mr. Kelly’s speech in Dublin on September 26th and his order statement on the following day that there is no love lost between Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh. Thus an open alliance, and, probably a covert agreement also, between the two extremist groups is unlikely, but at the same time it is clear that Sinn Féin will vote for Fianna Uladh in preference to the Anti-Partition League. While Senator Liam Kelly was able to wriggle out of the conditions imposed on successful candidates, any form of absentionism will quite probably be made more difficult by legislation which the Unionists are expected to pass in the course of the next year whereby (i) a declaration of willingness to take the seat will be necessary before a candidate may present himself for election and (ii) special provisions will be enacted whereby non-attendance will result in either penalties on the individual and/or forfeiture of the seat. Owing to the widespread contempt in which Fianna Uladh is held and the factors referred to in paragraph 6c the prospects of Fianna Uladh candidates either on their own or as a front for Sinn Féin are minimal.

8. The attitude of the Nationalists to Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh
   1. In all our conversations with Nationalist leaders who are members of the Anti-Partition League (many of whom dislike the ‘Nationalist’ label because of its Redmondite associations) we made it clear that the Irish Government could not entertain any requests for financial assistance such as that put before us by the Omagh Group if these would only result in benefit to Sinn Féin who did not recognise the Government of Ireland and if the Nationalists of the Six Counties could not put up a more effective united front. While in regard to the specific question of subsidising the register of Catholic voters in the Six Counties the reaction was that of disappointment for reasons which will be dealt with in section 9 of this report, the positive effect of our visit has been to stiffen the attitude of the Omagh Group on which a heavy share of the blame for the Nationalist collapse before Sinn Féin must fall.
   2. Mr. E. McAteer, who does not hide his contempt for the Omagh Group, said that he believed that the Nationalists should have fought Sinn Féin even though this would have resulted in the loss of the seat to the Unionists. He believes that the Nationalists will fight the next time. Similarly Senator Lennon also felt that it was a great mistake to have stood down and that the Anti-Partition League should fight ‘all comers’. During the course of a long talk with the Omagh Group Mr. Roderic O’Connor finally voiced the same opinion and said that they would be prepared to fight ‘all comers’.
   3. Senator McGill made what probably represents the official defence of the Omagh Group for its weakness at the Conventions for the last Westminster elections. The great weakness, he said, was in their Convention system whereby the delegates are chosen on a parish basis. In many cases the delegates are chosen by the PP who in his desire not ‘to split his parish’ often took the easy road of nominating one constitutionalist and one abstentionist. Senator McGill said that in the pre-election campaign there was a considerable element of intimidation and the after-Mass meetings were packed by Sinn Féin. The accuracy of these allegations are subject to some doubt outside Omagh. There is, however, no doubt but that the present system lends itself to easy exploitation by any small group which is active enough to take the initiative. They said that they were now prepared to abandon the parish based convention and come out openly with a Convention on normal Party lines. Only in this way would they be in a position to fight ‘all comers’ which at present means not only the Unionists but both Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh. Mr. Cahir Healy, who told us that he intends to leave the field of active politics, concurred with this view. In Fermanagh he will be succeeded by Mr. P.J. O’Hare, a journalist and also a member of the Stormont Parliament, who is known to be bitterly anti-Sinn Féin, and who Mr. Healy feels will adopt the same attitude.
   4. The new attitude of the Omagh Group represents a definite improvement in the picture and we can now hope for a general stiffening of the Anti-Partition League against Sinn Féin.

[matter omitted]

10. Ways in which Six County Nationalist Leaders consider the Irish Government could assist the anti-Partition movement
    1. Almost everyone with whom we spoke stated that Nationalists in the North were suffering under an acute sense of frustration and that the success of the Sinn Féin alternative was to a considerable extent a result of this feeling of frustration. A more serious factor is that the movement has not been successful in attracting young men. It is generally recognised that there is no early prospect of ending Partition and the importance of ensuring that the Nationalist movement continues on after the present leaders, who are in their middle forties and upwards, pass away is therefore considerable. While establishing a Nationalist or Anti-Partition Party, whichever term may be used, as such would not be welcomed by all shades of opinion for a variety of reasons the strengthening of the Anti-Partition League is the most immediate step. We made a point of answering any complaints of ‘lack of leadership from Dublin’ by asking precisely what could Dublin do to help them. As a result of these questions we can sum up the wants of the Nationalists in order of importance as follows:-
       1. A public declaration on the part of the Government through the Taoiseach or the Minister that the Anti-Partition League has ‘the whole-hearted support of the Irish Government’.
       2. This declaration to be backed up at election times by prominent speakers of all parties and as far as possible Cabinet Ministers.
       3. Assistance from Radio Éireann.
       4. Financial assistance with specific reference to the Voting Registration problem.
       5. Specific instances of definite Governmental interest in the situation of the Nationalist minority.
    2. All our informants agree that an official declaration of support of the Anti-Partition League would be the most effective single weapon against Sinn Féin that the League could have and use. Apart from Mr. McSparran we heard a number of complaints that the appointment of Mr. Liam Kelly was widely interpreted as an official blessing on Fianna Uladh and implying a reflection on the League. It was agreed that the official statement should not say that the League offered ‘the only present solution to Partition’ but simply declare its full support. At the same time ill-advised if honest statements on Party platforms to the effect that there is no solution to Partition should be dropped or at least not given publicity since they have a most depressing effect on the Northern Nationalist who feels let down thereby and completely cut off and alone.
    3. Senator Lennon suggested that the Minister might offer to have a statement of this kind made on the condition that the Anti-Partition League makes a public statement that it will fight all comers. The proclamation of the Irish Government’s support could then be made immediately after the League’s declaration. We are of the opinion that this procedure would be accepted and welcomed by the great majority of the League’s members, and we would strongly recommend that this be given serious consideration.
    4. We are aware that a number of Northern Nationalists have previously made representations about the method of use of Radio Éireann and that most of these have been turned down on the basis that it might provoke retaliation from the BBC. However the present request could be satisfied without going so far as to provoke retaliation even if the BBC were prepared to enter into this political field which we consider unlikely. It was emphasised that the floating vote in the APL vs. Sinn Féin or Fianna Uladh context consists largely of the very poorly informed section of rural population. They listen to Radio Éireann and often attach more importance to its announcements than are really intended. Thus publicity to speeches by, say, Mr. Liam Kelly when broadcast by Radio Éireann are seriously misinterpreted as having the knowledge and approval of the Cabinet. Thus this request would be adequately met by a discreet silence on giving publication to speeches and other statements by the opponents of the League and discreet propaganda publicity to the League spokesmen when suitable occasions arise.
    5. The request for financial assistance was, significantly not supported by Mr. Cahir Healy who said that it was too easy to allow the feeling that a financial reward had to be given for work which is largely done on a voluntary basis. However, having regard to the low economic level of the Catholic minority in the Six Counties we feel that it is too much to expect full time work from men of ability without some remuneration. The financially independent Nationalist who would do this kind of work efficiently and without payment does not exist and for most Nationalists the hard facts of economics can make unpaid voluntary registration work over a period of time a severe handicap. (Many of the Unionist party workers are of the pensioned Army or Navy officer type.) In the circumstances, we feel, despite Mr. Healy’s objections, that financial assistance will be necessary to put the Catholic Registration machinery in the Six Counties into working order.
    6. The final point is really an offshoot of the first. The ‘isolation’ and ‘loneliness’ of the Northern Nationalist whose morale is described as low could be alleviated if he could be made to feel in concrete ways that the Irish Government is interested in his plight. He would welcome any official pronouncement in which the sufferings of the minority in the Six Counties are identified as a suffering of the whole of the Irish people. Government spokesmen should not, they feel, lose opportunities to condemn the outrageous insults to the Catholic faith, clergy and people which come from the lips of men like Midgley and Topping. This would not only bolster the Nationalist morale but the publicity would embarrass the bigoted element with the British Government.
    7. Professor McCauley felt that there was considerable scope in ‘fighting paper battles’. Requests for extradition should be answered with a counterstatement that the incidents complained of are only the inevitable result of the abuse of power and intransigence of the Stormont authorities. Professor McCauley showed a correct understanding of the legal aspects of the extradition question as he emphasised that (i) members of the Six County Government had no standing in making public demands for an extradition treaty since treaty-making is a function reserved to London not Belfast and (ii) in any case extradition does not cover political offences. Both Professor McCauley and Mr. McAteer felt that ‘incidents’ should be allowed and when the Unionist complaints are made the Irish Government’s attitude should simply be ‘what else can you expect’. While the Derry attitude towards diplomatic niceties is perhaps rather juvenile at times and is not likely to be of much use other than bolstering the morale of Derry Nationalists, we did get the impression that some official replies to the more vicious anti-Catholic pronouncements of the Midgley type would be universally welcomed, and if they resulted in any easement of the pressure on the minority positive good would result.
    8. Amplifying the views put forward by Senator Lennon referred to in paragraph 5d above it must be faced that there is very little inducement for a young and able man to throw himself into the non-extremist sector of the Nationalist movement. In any profession, legal, medical or other spheres, prominence in Nationalist politics will only reduce prospects of advancement or success. To some extent this could be offset by allowing Northerners the hope of getting some of the better Dublin jobs from which they are at present excluded principally by the requirement of a competent knowledge of Irish. The problem of attracting able young men into the Nationalist movement is a serious one and will soon have to receive serious attention. While preferment should be extended to Nationalists in such jobs because of the importance of making an incentive to young men, Senator Lennon felt that it was a mistake to exclude Protestants. (See Mr. Belton’s separate report on Professor Emeleus).⁹ Even if the offer of a post to a capable Orange candidate were refused the publicity value of the deed and its effect on ‘the reasonable Unionist’ would be very high indeed.
    9. As far as we were able to ascertain on our visit the Six County Nationalists are united in approving of the utility to them of the Irish News Agency. We have also heard many personal tributes to Mr. Patrick Scott, the INA’s Belfast correspondent, to whose work much of the success of the Agency in the Six Counties is due and we should also like to record our appreciation of his invaluable assistance to us in every possible way during our visit. The various efforts which the Government have made to publicise their plight through the medium of Mansion pamphlets, the Fintona film etc. were also very much appreciated. Indeed we were impressed by the fact that any measure of publicity which had an effect in reducing their material difficulties were considered, not unnaturally, as help from Heaven and it is obvious that here is an undeniable field in which publicity and other activities on the part of the Irish Government are worthwhile.