E.M. Stephens to Diarmuid O'Hegarty

A chara,

You asked me for notes on the work which was being done by this Office¹ and which should be continued under the altered conditions produced by the Boundary settlement.

I take it that the Government's policy under the agreement will be to maintain the unity of the country as far as is possible by co-operation with the Northern Government. There is no doubt that co-operation of this kind would be worked by both parties with a view to using the associations which it entails to further their respective political objectives so far as they concern the future government of the country as a whole.

The Free State Government would naturally develop its policy in such a way as to lead towards a united Ireland with Dominion status. The Northern Government would naturally endeavour to use the associations with us in order to draw us, if possible, nearer to the British system. This tendency is very plain even at this early stage. The Northern politicians have engaged in a regular propaganda, led by Mr. Pollock, Minister for Finance, in favour of a zollverein of the British Isles.

Under the altered conditions the tendency to use the North as a means of preventing divergence between us and Great Britain will undoubtedly increase. It seems essential that all our dealings with the North should be carefully watched with a view to preventing a tendency of this kind manifesting itself in subtle ways, gaining advantage before it is detected.

It has been part of the work of this office to collect for the Government's information, all available information which would throw light on political activity in the North. This involves, in the first place, a careful scrutiny of the press and the classification of all published material on such subjects as finance, police, local government and gerrymandering. It is difficult to see how cooperation could be managed unless the Government was kept fully informed on all such matters.

The financial position of Northern Ireland, both as a self-governing unit, and in its relations with the British Treasury, are also matters on which first hand and up to date information is necessary. I have been in the habit of collecting and examining all white papers, financial statements, and such documents as the Report of the Special Arbitration Committee, and reporting on them where necessary.

Some special avenue of contact with the Northern Nationalists also seems necessary. This has hitherto been afforded by the Boundary Bureau. At present the Northern Nationalists are alienated by the recent agreement, of which they disapprove, but there is little doubt that as new conditions tend to harden, cooperation will again be possible.

As Departmental dealings develop between the Free State and Northern Ireland, questions will be raised and political tendencies disclosed, of which it would not be the ordinary duty of the Departments concerned to take cognizance. A tendency, partly disclosed by the work of one Department, would be confirmed by the work of another. If there is nobody with a full knowledge of the Government's policy towards the North to co-ordinate this information and point out its general effects, unforeseen political results might easily be produced by what at first seemed ordinary Departmental dealings.

There is a large body of political opinion in the Free State which will always demand an active Northern policy. The Government have committed themselves to an active policy of friendly co-operation. New subject matter for such co-operation will have to be constantly found. All statements made in the Dáil on such matters will have to be very carefully considered, as they will have a political effect, not only in the Free State, but in Northern Ireland.

All these matters are in their nature outside the scope of ordinary departmental activity. They are probably sufficiently important to justify the appointment of a representative in Belfast if there were not political arguments against dealing with the matter in this way. It is possible that this may be the ultimate solution, but in the meanwhile it is, I think, a matter of urgent necessity to secure continuity for the portion of our work which did not deal with the boundary itself.

You asked me to estimate the amount of my time which would have to be devoted to work of this kind if I am to continue responsibility under different conditions. The answer to this question depends on certain unknown factors. If there is to be continuous activity in relation to Northern matters, my whole time would probably be occupied. Our experience so far has been that the Northern question was like a volcano, subject to erratic eruptions. When it was active it required undivided attention, and at other times such careful watching that, I think, in future fifty per cent of my time could profitably be devoted to Northern matters at times when no particular issue was engaging the attention of the Government. It may be necessary to enlarge the work of record which we have been doing, and to review in detail the ever increasing differences in legislation and administration between the two areas. If this is to be done[,] still more of my time would be occupied.