Memorandum from Timothy A. Smiddy to Patrick McGilligan (Dublin)

REPORT FOR THE MINISTER FOR EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

on the

WORK OF THE SAORSTÁT LEGATION

AT WASHINGTON

to December, 1928

The establishment of the Legation in Washington was attended with difficulties as regards its proper functioning and its status, in view of the fact that various Missions had been sent out here several times during the preceding eight years, none of which had been recognized in any way by the Government of the United States, but each of them apparently headed by an ambassador or envoy. Accordingly, when a recognized Mission was established here in 1924, it was possible to understand that some confusion might arise in the minds of American citizens who had heard of, or come in contact with, persons described as being diplomatic agents and it was very important in my judgment to emphasize the fact that the Mission, of which I had the honour to be the Chief, was entirely dissimilar from previous ones in that it had a recognized standing. I make this point in order to explain that it took a very considerable time to make clear our position here, and it is my opinion that when a Legation is established in a country in which has previously existed an unofficial representative who has any pretensions to being diplomatic or semi-diplomatic, the Chief of such an established Mission should be one who had not been in the immediate past in the country in question in the capacity of unofficial representative. The reason is that when his status changes, and becomes regularized, full benefit is not immediately derived from the establishment of a Legation when the newly appointed Minister is the late unofficial representative under another title.

The work which has been done in the Legation might be divided into three classes:

One. Normal diplomatic work such as dealing with immigration and deportation cases, safe-guarding the interests of our nationals who are beneficiaries of property in this country, general correspondence of an extremely diversified character with individuals and Departments here. The Legation also spends considerable effort in securing publications for the use of Government Departments, not only publications which are specifically requested, but many which are picked out and obtained here in the hope that they may be of interest to Departments such as Agriculture, or Industry and Commerce.

Two. Publicity and propaganda. This, again, is capable of division into different categories, all of which have been thoroughly exploited. I have lectured to Chambers of Commerce in the principle cities between New York and Kansas City, to a considerable number of clubs and cultural organizations, at many universities and, of course, at various Irish Societies, such as the American Order of Hibernians, The Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick, et cetera. The principal towns covered by this personal propaganda include New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Washington, Boston, Indianapolis, Chicago, Columbus Ohio, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Williamstown Massachusetts, Jefferson City Missouri, Springfield Illinois, and Richmond Virginia.

Then there is the publicity which consists in making contacts with newspaper men and getting them interested in Ireland, but this is dealt with below in my observations regarding our connections with the Press.

We also distribute a great many publications which emanate from Dublin, as well as a very large number of American ones which deal with Ireland. For example, in 1924 the Department of Commerce issued a booklet on Ireland entitled, 'Agricultural, Industrial, and Commercial Resources', which was largely distributed, not only by that Department, but by the Legation. In 1928 the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce published a report by Mr. Butler, Acting Trade Commissioner in Ireland, of which I sent a great many copies home, and I sent several hundred copies to people in this country who might be interested in this very valuable report. The Bureau itself, through the good offices of my friend, Doctor Klein, sent out no less than fifty-seven thousand copies. Doctor Klein was good enough to send copies to each person on a list I gave him, as well as an accompanying letter to the effect that the copies were being sent at my suggestion. I received a very gratifying response to this from all parts of the country. I interested the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce directly in Ireland, and the report of Mr. Butler was obtained and published through my influence with the Chief of the Bureau.

The question of tourist traffic has always engaged my attention, as will be apparent from the various reports I have already made on this subject.

Three. Under this head might be grouped work undertaken at the specific request of the Government, such as the inquiries which resulted in the employment of Doctor Parker Willis as Chairman of the Banking and Currency Commission, the investigations and connections made for the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Secretary of his Department with electricity and engineering experts and financiers, and with the Toronto Power Commission, all in regard to the Shannon Hydro-electric scheme. Considerable correspondence and interviews took place with the President of the New York Central Railroad Company, the President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, and with Mr. J.N. Hurley of Chicago, for the purpose of obtaining the services of experts for loan to The Great Southern Railway of Ireland. A report was obtained from the President of the Rock Island Railroad on the financial condition of The Great Southern Railway as revealed by its accounts. The fact that all this work and the trouble to which I put the Presidents of these American Railways had no result is to be regretted.

A very considerable amount of time and work was involved in the law suit regarding the proceeds of the Dáil External Loans. It will be remembered that in 1922 I secured an Injunction which prevented the large sums of money in various New York banks falling into the hands of opponents of the Saorstát Government. It will be appreciated that this was a matter of great delicacy, and it was brought to a successful conclusion. The final proceedings were terminated only in 1927. The Legation had also the physical custody of the records and a great deal of work had to be done to try to put the register of the bondholders in a satisfactory condition.

I have also had a great deal of communication and interviews on the subject of the possibility of making a Free Port in Ireland, and many extensive conversations with Shipping Board Officials and experts in connection with the port of Cobh, with a view to maintain and possibly to increase the number of vessels calling there.

I might also refer to the arrangements made before and during the visit of the Saorstát Military Mission.

The Legation has done a great deal of work on trade and on commercial intelligence, which in other circumstances should be done by the trade representative. Considerable difficulty had arisen with the Bureau of Animal Industry here in connection with the importation of our meat products into the United States. This has been satisfactorily settled. We are frequently called upon by importers who allege that their trade mark rights are being infringed and they are advised according to the circumstances of their cases. In this connection I wish to express the opinion that trade representation and commercial intelligence could most satisfactorily be dealt with in the Legation and that what is required at New York is a consular officer whose work would also include that of passport control and, of course, the issuing of passports, if and when it is decided to issue them in this country.

The general policy of the Legation has been to establish itself on a firm basis as the channel of communication between the Saorstát and United States Governments, and as a source at which reliable information about Ireland may be obtained. Valuable connections have been made, by which we have already benefited. The result of the establishment of the Legation has been to increase enormously our racial prestige in America, to create an increasing interest in Ireland which should deepen as time goes on and as our tourist traffic develops, and to add more links to the chain which binds the United States to Europe. The presence of an American Minister in Dublin, and an Irish Minister here, has brought home to the people of America the realization of the evolution of the British Commonwealth.

The attitude of Americans generally has changed since 1922. A large element believed that the Irish in Ireland were incapable of self government, and that the domination of another country was not only desirable, but actually necessary lest domestic strife persist. The record of the Free State Government since 1922, the existence and the work of the Legation have entirely destroyed that delusion. We have built up the belief that the Free State exists of its own right and that it can add something to the cultural and peaceful development of Europe.

I have stressed the point that the Free State is a free partner in a group of free nations, that its economic, its cultural, and its social life are of its own making, that its political development is in progress and its stability assured. I do suggest that the work of the Legation is in no small measure justified by, and reflected in, the soundness of our credit in this country which is apparent by the very favourable terms upon which we floated our loans in New York. Had it not been that there is a Legation in Washington, the visit of the President in 1928 would not have been possible.

Americans of Irish birth or descent, and Irish citizens residing here, although not yet Americans, might be divided into three groups:

One. Those who accept the Free State as a final settlement and regard inclusion in the British Commonwealth as consistent with greatest freedom and greatest economic prosperity. These usually are Americans of great wealth and also to a large extent of a cultured type.

Two. Those who share the views of the late John Devoy¹ and of Judge Cohalan, and who consider that the creation of the Free State is a very large step towards the complete freedom of Ireland, but that it should not be regarded as a final settlement. Meantime, it should be helped in every possible respect in so far as the promotion of its economic development can tend toward complete independence. They also feel that the Irish Free State Government should be careful not to be too conciliatory in its attitude to the British Government.

Three. The followers of Mr. de Valera who, during the last twelve months, have become much more temperate in their attitude towards the Free State. They are not subscribing funds in the same amounts as they have heretofore, and it is likely that the financial support Mr. de Valera will get from these followers in the future will not be of an amount sufficient to help him in any political campaign.

I have endeavoured to explain to those in the second group the full powers of our Government, and the extent to which they can and have exercised these powers. I found in Boston and in Pittsburgh a great many well-meaning men who did not appreciate our status and it was not difficult to remove them into the first category in so far, at least, as their criticism would no longer be semi-hostile. It seems to me that the second group embraces the majority of Irish-Americans who hold any views at all.

In group three it is, of course, extremely difficult to make converts. This category includes people who are animated by personal regard for Mr. de Valera and who would, I think, support almost any policy he might choose to enunciate. There are others in this group who are rabid republicans with whom it is impossible to do anything. I have found amongst the Irish-Americans generally a pronounced hostility to Great Britain and this is most evident in those who themselves were not born in Ireland. These feelings of hostility and suspicion are undoubtedly mainly attributable to traditional grievances inflicted by British rule in Ireland of which their ancestors were victims, to the persistent propaganda of Irish-American papers, chiefly the Irish World and the Gaelic American. It will be apparent from a perusal of the latter that its policy is inspired more by bitterness against England and dislike of Mr. de Valera, than by enthusiasm for the Saorstát.

It is obvious that great care has had to be exercised in dealing with the delicate situation which has arisen with Irish-American politicians.

It seems to me to be only a question of time until the vast majority of Americans interested in Ireland will be in favour of our constitution. In this connection I think it proper to refer to the fact that it is only a small fraction of the Irish-Americans who will give anything more than lip service. Many of them feel that having secured our present position, they should confine themselves to a benevolent neutrality as regards our domestic problems, and that we being no longer under the political domination of Great Britain, the necessity for their support no longer exists. This view would, I think, be found to be held by the majority of Irish-Americans. The attitude of the Legation has been scrupulously to avoid being made use of by different Irish factions in this country. The experience I have gained over a period of almost seven years in the United States has firmly convinced me that our only policy in the Legation is to represent the Irish Government, and not to become involved in any way with Irish-American organizations which have in many cases an American political background, and American local politics as their raison d'être.

The attitude of Americans other than those of Irish descent or Irish connections, may be expressed as one of kindly interest, but this must be modified as regards those who are very pro-British and they have an anti-Irish feeling which varies in great degree. This group includes usually the wealthier and more pretentious type of American. The official world here we have found extremely helpful without exception.

The attitude of the Press has been extremely gratifying. The New York Times especially has been most interested in our development and has always in its leading articles been very favourable towards us. The Chicago Tribune follows closely on the New York Times. There are also friendly papers such as the New York Herald Tribune, the New York World, The Boston Post, and many others of less importance. On the whole the Press is very favourable as must be apparent from the thousands of clippings which I have sent home. I would especially draw your attention to the clippings from the New York Times editorials which have been consistently friendly. The Saturday Evening Post, Foreign Affairs, The Atlantic Monthly, and other weekly and monthly publications have published articles, some of which have been extremely interesting, and none of which has been hostile. The articles by Mr. Marcosson in The Saturday Evening Post are the result of efforts toward this end made by me more than three years ago. It has often been mentioned by officials here such as the Chief of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, that the Irish Free State gets more publicity than most European countries. There can not be any doubt about this.

The whole of the Hierarchy is sympathetic to the Free State. I have met and discussed our problems with Cardinals O'Connell, Dougherty², and Hayes³, and with Archbishop Curley of Baltimore, as well as with the Bishop of Kansas, who is a personal friend of the Bishop of Killaloe. Bishop Griffin of Illinois, and Bishop Turner of Buffalo are very ardent supporters of your Government. It is only among the younger clergy born in Ireland that I have heard of any hostility. I have no knowledge of any of the older and more responsible of the clergy taking any unfriendly attitude, though I do not say that there are none who are unsympathetic. It may be that the occasion will arise when it might be desirable to endeavour to make use of the sympathy of the Hierarchy for some definite object. I have not heretofore found that course necessary, and it remains to be seen whether it is practicable. Further, should such an effort be made, it might be found that a quid pro quo was involved. It is interesting to note that out of the huge trust funds at his disposal Cardinal Hayes did not subscribe for one single bond of our recent issue through the National City Company.

I have no particular remarks to make as regards the diplomatic corps. I have found the attitude of the British Ambassador entirely correct and very friendly, and helpful. The Canadian Minister, with whom I am on very intimate terms, is always willing to discuss our joint or individual problems in the most friendly way. My post here, like that of the Canadian Minister's, is precisely identical with the position of the Minister of Denmark, or the Minister of Sweden, or any other minor European power. There are fifty-one Missions here, which entails a great deal of interchange of civility such as attendance at their receptions, dinners, et cetera, to all of which I go. I am particularly intimate with the German Ambassador who is an extremely attractive man, and has done very good work for his country. Also, I know well the Belgian, Japanese, Italian, Mexican, Spanish, and Turkish Ambassadors, and the Ministers of China, Finland, Panama, Greece, Egypt, Poland, Sweden, and the Netherlands. The Legation has always carried out its obligations to our colleagues in the diplomatic corps.

The social life of Washington is entirely inseparable from the official one. Having the advantage of entrance into an influential social set which includes many of the principle members of the Government and the more important Senators, we are in a position to obtain accurate information on current events. I have made intimate contacts with the Vice-President and particularly with the following Senators and Congressmen:

Owing to the shortness of time at my disposal, as I am on the point of leaving this country, I have not been able to do full justice to the matter in this report. To summarize briefly, my policy has been to establish this Legation on the same basis of dignity as that of any other small country - to increase our prestige among Americans by speeches and by discreet newspaper publicity, to emphasize the stability of the Irish Free State, economically and politically, and to drive home to the people here the fact that we are no longer under the domination of any foreign country, and that the Saorstát is, therefore, a country in which American capital and American technical equipment could profitably be employed. I am generally informed that my efforts have not been without success. The extent to which they have been successful must be left to others to judge, but I understand the British Ambassador has informed his Government that there is observable on the whole a remarkable lessening of the anti-British feeling in this country since the Legation was established. In the performance of my work as Minister, I have been ably assisted by Mr. Wm. B. Macaulay since his allocation to the Legation. He has been a loyal servant to his Government and their interests, efficient in the performance of every detail of his work and most reliable in the administration of the office staff and in any matter demanding tact and discretion. His contacts with the best and most distinguished American society in Washington are very valuable (with whom he is intensely popular), where easy and congenial access is obtainable to the Cabinet Secretaries, heads of the Bureaus of the State Department, leading Senators and Representatives of Congress, as well as Foreign diplomats - these contacts are due solely to Mr. Macaulay's personality and manner.

Pending the appointment of my successor, the Legation is fortunate in being in the hands of one in whom absolute confidence can be placed by you to perform its work with efficiency, discretion, and credit to the Irish Free State.