No. 413 NAI DFA/10/P/277/2

Memorandum for the Government by John A. Costello
'Report by the Taoiseach and Recommendations following his
Visit to the United States of America, March 1956'
(S16021)

Dublin, 30 April 1956

  1. It is impossible to visit America, certainly at the time of the Saint Patrick’s Day celebrations, and retain any sense that Ireland is a small unimportant island. It is not. It is a country which has made a very large impact on the world and contributed very much to shaping the most important power in the modern world – America.
  2. To stand as I did on the Reviewing Stand at the New York parade and to watch contingent after contingent of Irish groups pass the Stand in the most bitterly cold New York weather is to receive an immense fillip to national self-confidence. For six hours, approximately a million Irish people watched one hundred and twenty thousand young people march through the streets of New York despite the weather, all conducted in the most perfect organisation with dignity and in a disciplined manner. To look at them, you must say these are the children ‘of no mean people’. Again on that day I received an extraordinary welcome in Philadelphia when I was received by the Colour Guard of the First Troop of the Philadelphia City Cavalry which has been maintained since Washington’s day – the most exclusive Club I was told in Philadelphia – and which last provided a similar reception for President Truman in 1944. Even in New Haven, on the following day, a large banqueting hall of Yale University, fundamentally a Puritan foundation, was full to overflowing with a magnificent body of Irish including the Mayor of New Haven,1 himself an Irishman, and a considerable number of representatives from the University of Yale including the President of Yale,2 all of whom gave me a lively and enthusiastic reception.
  3. I was previously in America in 1948 and 1953 and I was immensely struck by the increased popularity of Ireland and what seemed to me also to be an increase in its prestige. I do not think that this is due to anything in particular that has been done at home except that I think the Republic of Ireland Act did facilitate the rendering by the American Government of honours to me as representative of the Irish people. It was clear beyond doubt that the Irish in America received an immense encouragement from this honour which was being done to the Head of the Irish Government. There is a fundamental reason, however, why the Irish prestige in America has been growing. It is because the Irish in America have grown in prosperity and moved up on the social scale. They are no longer the hewers of wood and drawers of water. In America they are important in both political parties, still of course most particularly in the Democratic Party. They are immensely significant in industry and commerce and in the professions, and enjoy, as a member of the editorial board of the New York Times put it to me, ‘high and increasing reputation’. Further it has added to their significance politically that they are no longer entirely adherents of the Democratic Party. At the last Presidential election a considerable number of them, naturally conservative, voted for Eisenhower and it adds to the importance of Ireland that Republicans do not now write the Irish off as merely Democratic but that both parties are now fighting for the Irish vote and are, therefore, more conscious of the importance of Ireland. I was informed, towards the close of my visit, by many of the leading figures in Irish-American life that, because of the reception accorded to me and the widespread interest displayed, the status of the Irish-Americans had been definitely raised and that an end had been put to the resentment that Americans, including Irish-Americans, felt towards Ireland because of her neutrality in the last war.
  4. Apart from the ordinary civilities which the State Department might be expected to render to me, I thought I discerned on their part a distinct and a new interest in me and in the country I represented. For instance my assistant noticed Mr. Livingston T. Merchant, who is known to be the chief State Department Advisor of Mr. Foster Dulles, at the private luncheon given for me by the Vice President, taking a shorthand note of what I was saying on a piece of paper which he had placed on his knee under the table. In addition, Mr. Outerbridge Horsey, incidentally a Catholic, was again discovered by one of my assistants unexpectedly among the audience which gathered to listen to my lecture on Irish Foreign Policy at Georgetown University. Mr. Horsey is the chief State Department official in charge of the affairs of Great Britain and Ireland. In private relations with both the President and the Vice President they spoke in terms which might almost suggest they were concerned to flatter me. The President at his luncheon said that ‘there was no country with whom America had more fundamentally friendly relations than Ireland’. The Vice President at his luncheon stated that American foreign policy was, on the matter of Cyprus, in a state of flux and asked me for my advice as to what America should do.3 As these were both private occasions they cannot be explained simply by reference to the fact that this was a Presidential election year. Coupled with the attention of the State Department officials they had, I think, a greater significance. I believe them to be due to three causes.
  5. Firstly, I believe that an impression was made on the State Department by the invitation given to me by Yale. The Chubb Fellowship which I was awarded is of well-known importance in the American academic life and the Sherrill lectureship, which has only been awarded six times since 1927, has always been given to very distinguished people. I believe that Washington became extremely interested in an Irish Catholic Statesman who was chosen to be honoured by one of their two most important non-Catholic Universities.
  6. Secondly, as a matter of deliberate policy, I adopted in my speeches throughout a conciliatory attitude and tried to make the American people aware of our appreciation of their difficulties and of our own awareness that there were immensely more important problems before the world than the solution of Partition, despite its great concern to us. I think this conciliatory line succeeded in interesting people in Washington who may have tended to think us in the past as being rather unreasonable.
  7. Thirdly, our admission to the United Nations has aroused interest. It is not merely that we now count for one vote in the Assembly, although that is important. Already one issue, the Algerian, was determined by one vote and as a result of that one vote there have been serious international repercussions. It is also because it is now recognised, for at least two important reasons, that the way we cast our vote and use our influence in the United Nations could be very important. One reason is that because of her influence on Irish-American opinion, the way Ireland casts her vote becomes very relevant for the State Department. Another is that we are regarded as a country which has been cited as an example by other countries, such as India and Egypt, Pakistan and Korea, in their struggle for independence.
  8. It is hardly possible to exaggerate the importance of the United Nations as a means of impressing other countries with an appreciation of Ireland’s sense of responsibility and value in world affairs and of its importance as an influence on American public opinion. The proceedings of the United Nations are televised and keenly followed all over America. The United Nations provides us with a new stage upon which to exert our influence and impress ourselves as a force for good through the decisions at the United Nations affecting peace in many parts of the world. There is also an immense moral responsibility attaching to the country to see that any Irish vote is cast only after a very careful examination of the question at issue and in a manner which should be just and disinterested.
  9. A new situation has arisen which provides Ireland with immense opportunity. It is only since the war that America has been playing its full and proper part in international affairs. This is one new factor. Another new factor is the increased social importance of Irishmen in America. The third new factor is the increase in political consciousness on the part of Republicans of the importance of the Irish vote. All this means that if we conduct ourselves well and intelligently at the United Nations and in America generally we may hope gradually to create conditions in which, through the influence of our friends, Partition may be brought to an end. Partition cannot be ended without friends and friendship cannot be won by an entirely selfish policy. Quite apart, therefore, from the moral responsibility of using our influence in the United Nations in a just and proper manner, if we do act in that way we may hope to help the solution even of our own problems. One of the reasons why the Irish-American vote has probably not been exercised to anything like the extent that, for instance, the Jewish vote has been used in America to help the cause of Israel, is because it has not been sufficiently well led, that is, led so as to be an influence on all the other Americans who have not got any connection with Ireland in the way that the Jewish vote has been organised to influence Americans who have not any connection with Jewry.
  10. In the United Nations it is essential that we should not be merely anti-British or else we will come to be completely discounted. We must recognise the fact that in the existing state of the world the stronger Britain is the better it is for us in as much as the relative position of Russia is thereby affected. We must also recognise in our relations with America that America cannot have Irish friendship at the risk of division with Britain. If Ireland proves by its influence on former colonial countries and elsewhere in the world how useful, helpful, and constructive it can be in the interests of Europe generally against Russia, it will win for itself a position of such importance to America that we may be able to influence the United States Government towards adopting a more favourable attitude on the issue of Partition. Even statements of a friendly character against Partition made by prominent American Statesmen would represent a significant development in the official American viewpoint on the subject. So far as Partition goes, I am convinced that it should be raised at the United Nations only in favourable circumstances and perhaps even not immediately but only in proper and suitable circumstances within the wider frame of reference to the interests of peace and of Europe generally and when we have established ourselves in the manner suggested in this Memorandum.
  11. Our membership of the United Nations makes acutely necessary an immediate and full-scale examination of our position in relation to world problems generally. It is my firm conviction that our national interests require that our foreign policy in all its aspects should be formulated in principle and, so far as possible in detail, and without delay. I found during my visit that on nearly every occasion on which I was required to deliver an address I was expected to speak on our foreign policy. I addressed the Washington Press Club, the University of Georgetown, the United Nations Correspondents’ Association, and the Council of Foreign Relations on that policy. In Yale University the students and the faculty did not desire to hear anything of an academic character but insisted on their discussions with me and my address as Chubb Fellow being on matters relating to Ireland. The Sherrill Lecture, under the auspices of the Law Faculty and delivered in public to a very large and very distinguished audience, was, and was advertised to be given by me, on the same subject though I was prepared to give a lecture on natural law and social justice with particular reference to the provisions of our own Constitution and the decisions of our Courts on those topics.
  12. In those addresses I endeavoured to give an indication of the principles which would guide our foreign policy. It is obvious that it would have been impossible for me to have given an exhaustive or comprehensive dissertation on the subject. However, I do think that the principles I enunciated and the general lines of policy to which I referred in my several addresses will be of help in the more detailed and considered formulation of policy which is now essential. As a further help I wish to make some further comments and submit my recommendations.
  13. It is the thesis of this memorandum and one on which all my speeches on our foreign policy was based that while we cannot muster big battalions, our moral influence is, or at least could be, considerable. If, in the exercise of that influence we are simply led by exclusive or even undue concern with our own particular problems, that influence will be much less than it could be and our position as a force in world affairs will, as a consequence, decline. I believe that it is our duty to see that that influence is wielded so as to strengthen the Christian civilisation of which Ireland is a part and that it is an important duty of Ireland not to take any action which by subtracting from the power of America and Britain would relatively strengthen the power of Russia. It is, therefore, most important that our action, on issues such as those that arose on the Cyprus dispute where our natural and nationalist instincts would be to support the Cypriot claim, should be taken in a responsible manner based on and informed by the fullest details available so that we should not take or recommend any action merely because it was politically easy for us to do so. Our actions and decisions should be informed by the principles that we are fond of boasting are ours.
  14. Our policy has to be framed in relation to the United States of America, Great Britain, the United Nations and the European countries. World peace is for us, as a small and practically undefended nation, of ultimate and vital importance. In the absence of world peace the defeat or containment of Russia is paramount. I am personally completely convinced that the United States has no aggressive aims and is sincerely anxious for peace. I believe, too, that the United States is desirous of building up and maintaining the United Nations Organisation as an effective instrument to secure that objective. I suspect (perhaps without entirely adequate evidence) that Great Britain prefers other methods. I admit that this view may be in part a throw-back to my conviction that Great Britain had a cynical view of the old League of Nations. It is difficult to assess how far France has any belief in the United Nations Organisation as an effective instrument. However, it seems abundantly clear to me that Ireland, as a small nation, must do everything in her power to uphold that Organisation in as much as it certainly provides a means, where none others exist, for small nations to exert some influence on world affairs and for the maintenance of peace and securing some advertence to justice. In existing circumstances we cannot have formal alliances. Because we cannot have alliances we must have friends. The United Nations Organisation can readily be utilised to make such friends. It must be the duty of our representatives at the United Nations to secure such friends among the various nations of the Organisation. The United States is now very friendly disposed towards us. Without subservience and while maintaining our independence we must consolidate that friendship and make it a cardinal point in our policy. With that friendship, by keeping in close touch with and guiding the opinion of Irish-Americans, by maintaining a policy based on Christian morality, by playing an important and independent role in the United Nations Organisation I am convinced that Ireland can be enabled to be a significant force and will not merely secure national prestige but may surely hope for assistance that would not otherwise be forthcoming for the solution of Partition. In addition, even more immediate practical advantages are likely to accrue. The interest in Ireland includes the interest of prospective investors. If Ireland makes good at the United Nations I believe it will help us in the securing of American investment in Ireland. Since our entry into the United Nations I have been informed that countries other than the United States have begun to show an interest not hitherto apparent.
  15. It is hardly necessary for me to repeat what I have so often asserted, namely, the necessity for the closest possible relations between Ireland and Canada. Canada has repeatedly over the years displayed a very practical friendship for us and whenever we were in difficulties Canada came to our aid. Friendship with Canada and close association with that great and growing country should be in the forefront of our foreign policy.
  16. Subject always to insistence on our right in reference to re-unification there is every reason for increasing friendship with Great Britain. The object must be to persuade the British people that the ending of Partition would strengthen the West against atheistic Communism and remove the last barrier to close relations with Britain.
  17. Another important objective of Irish policy should be to exercise our influence in the assistance of the Irish Missionaries and indeed all Catholic Missionaries everywhere. Through friendship with India, for instance, great good might be done and through the friendship we have with India and Portugal we might possibly even be helpful on a dispute like that of Goa. The Indians appear to have a great affection for Ireland because of her long struggle for freedom which was an inspiration to India.
  18. I have had numerous requests and representations from Irish people including Priests and Bishops and members of religious Orders living in South Africa to the effect that we ought at least to have an honorary Consular representative in South Africa. In the difficult circumstances existing there for Catholic schools they feel the need for someone to turn to and to lean on as their protector and representative.
  19. Policy must in no way neglect Europe. We are a European nation and our policy in reference to Europe must be formulated with as much precision as possible, particularly in reference to the Council of Europe. It may be that by association with the smaller nations of Europe we could perform a useful function and advance our own interests. In this connection it is relevant to record that, on my return, the Swedish Minister paid a formal call and expressed great interest in certain aspects of our policy especially where I had thrown out the suggestion that, because Ireland was a European nation with such close association with the United States, she might act as the interpreter of the West to the United States.4 The Minister suggested that we should amend the policy by not confining our efforts to the United States but to cover the East. That, he said, would be in line with Swedish foreign policy. I attach herewith, as a matter of interest, a copy of the Memorandum5 of the interview which I had with the Minister.
  20. To give effect to our policy certain practical measures will have to be taken forthwith. These steps will inevitably involve what to us must be regarded as rather heavy expenditure. I believe that such expenditure is essential and that it will pay large dividends. It has always been known that trade has followed the flag or, in other words, it is easier to have profitable business with people with whom we have close relations. Through proper representation at the United Nations and in the United States of America we can fairly hope to secure help that we would not otherwise get to end Partition. By the same means, we would help to achieve the unrelated but important objective of encouraging investors to invest their money in Ireland.
  21. If we do not act properly in every way and live up to the expectations that now exist in our regard it would be better to forget that the Irish spent seven hundred years of toil and struggle to become a nation and just sink into the position of being an unimportant province – and recognise Ireland to be what the late George Bernard Shaw6 once described her, a cabbage patch thrown into the Atlantic Ocean.
  22. During the course of my interview with the Secretary General of the United Nations I took occasion to discuss with him the steps that we might take following our election and the kind of delegation we should send.7 It must be remembered that the United Nations is a species of diplomatic entity to which diplomats, Ambassadors, Ministers, etc., are accredited. Mr. Hammarskjöld’s advice to me was based on the experience of small countries, members of the United Nations. The suggestions I make as to our representation at the United Nations are largely based on his advice. In particular he emphasised that it had been found impossible for a diplomat accredited to the United Nations to fill another post as, for example, Ambassador to Canada. The suggestions are also based on the impressions made on me following a discussion which I had at the conclusion of the visit with our Ambassador, his Counsellor, the Consul-General and his chief officers, and the Consul at Boston.
  23. I believe that there must be an Ambassador for Ireland accredited to the United Nations who should be one of our most experienced diplomats, a good debater, and entirely Irish in character. He should be assisted by one or two Counsellors and a Press officer. All the Consuls in America should be raised to Consuls-General and proper premises should be provided for our Ambassador at the United Nations. If in addition to providing proper representation at the United Nations we, at the same time, take steps to raise the status of our other representatives, such action will underline the intention which I emphasised in all my speeches of Ireland playing her full part in the United Nations and international affairs in general. We will be taken by Americans at our own valuation. In Boston, where there is a huge population of Irish origin there has been considerable annoyance that the Irish are only represented by a Consul who had to take a very low place in the Consular protocol because nearly all the other nations who have no such close connection with the United States of America as we have were represented by Consuls-General. In Chicago there is similar resentment because they now have only a Consul with poor premises whereas before they had at least a Consul-General even if they had not impressive looking offices. The payments to our representatives at all levels in America should be adequate for their duties and have regard to the extraordinary high cost of living in America, particularly in New York. There should be at least one other Press Officer apart from the Press Officer attached to the United Nations. Compared to the publicity given in the American papers the reports of my tour at home were quite inadequate. I learned also that although wide publicity was given in America to the IRA raids there was very little publicity given to my speech in Dáil Éireann in condemnation of them.
  24. In addition steps should be taken to educate our people at home in foreign affairs and to make them aware of what has been done and is being done in their name, and of their essential importance in the world, so as to encourage them to have a proper confidence in themselves, and an appreciation of their importance in international affairs. New relations should be established between the Department of External Affairs and the Press. Prizes should be awarded for essays in Schools on various international problems. Scholarships should be awarded in the University Colleges with a promise at the end of a successful scholarship abroad of admission to the Department of External Affairs. Grants, which need only be small, should be given to the existing Foreign Affairs Councils and to the studious journals to encourage them in the same direction. A scheme should be worked out to develop associations with the influential American Universities – that is the Universities whose influence counts most with the State Department and with the United Nations, particularly Georgetown University, Princeton University, Harvard and Yale. Good relations should also be cultivated through the Universities by giving Honorary Degrees to suitable people in America and by a system of Exchange Lectureships. The scholarship exchange scheme might be utilised to these ends. An attempt should also be made to develop relations with influential papers, like The New York Times, The New York Herald Tribune, The Washington Post, all of which were particularly friendly during my visit.
  25. I believe that a better representation of Ireland in America would also be very helpful in achieving an expanding trade with that country. I believe the sentiment favouring Ireland to be very genuine and capable of more exploitation than it has received. In this connection much was done by the Tánaiste during his tour and his efforts were followed up by the visit of Dr. Beddy8 and his colleagues. During my own visit I found manifest interest in the possibilities of investment in Ireland. The fact that we came to America looking for nothing but indeed offering something namely, opportunities for investment, had a great effect. I wish to emphasise the necessity for not leaving the position alone as it stands and letting interest die out. In Philadelphia, for instance, where I was entertained to lunch by a business group, there was great interest displayed and much goodwill shown. I understand they intend to continue the function as a business lunch. We have no representative in Philadelphia but some arrangement must be made to keep contact, maintain interest and show that we are in earnest. There is much goodwill towards us in Philadelphia particularly in the Society of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick who have already established Scholarships and promoted a scheme for joint effort by all the Friendly Sons in the United States. It would be a pity if all that were allowed to lapse for want of attention. Perhaps the Consul-General at New York might be charged with the task. The City of Baltimore, I understand, wants a Consul. Perhaps an honorary one could be secured.
  26. Again, I was told that many churches were being built in America and that marble imported from Italy was being extensively used. It was suggested that if proper approaches were made Connemara marble would be accepted. I suggest that this matter receive earnest and early consideration and that a proper follow-up plan be evolved.
  27. In the context of the changed policy with regard to America it will be necessary to consider and immediately carry out changes in the personnel of the Department of External Affairs. It will not be possible to formulate successfully and maintain well a good foreign policy unless more of our stronger men are at home. It will be necessary to make early decisions on this and on the appointment of a delegation, as a great deal of preparatory work will require to be done before the first meeting of the Assembly. This preparatory work will take every available moment before the meeting of the Assembly in November. It would be quite unproductive if the preparations for the important work that has to be done particularly at the forthcoming session were to be undertaken merely by Headquarters officials, none of whom has had any contact with the work of the United Nations. In my opinion it is essential that our Ambassador in the United States of America and our Consul-General in New York, who has had some experience and contact with the work, should be recalled home for discussions. Others of our representatives abroad should also be recalled for conferences so that a policy may be determined and adopted in relation to the United Nations and with particular reference also to our activity at the Council of Europe and Europe generally. In this way we may hope to achieve a well-considered policy with the help of our best available professional advice.
  28. It is desirable also that Ireland should make some gift to the United Nations Organisation. This has been done by all the other countries. The nature and timing of the gift will have to be considered.
  29. On another level a matter of importance arises not connected with the matter of foreign policy. I was much impressed by the extraordinary use that the Americans make of ceremonial to achieve respect for their Institutions and the individuals who occupy high office. This was particularly evident in the White House and in the remarkable demonstration which took place when I laid a wreath on the Tomb of the Unknown Warrior at Arlington National Cemetery. I think that early steps should be taken to see that the Army here plays a more significant part in connection with our affairs. A Committee might be established to consider an improved and more extended use of the National Flag and of other means whereby respect for national institutions should be inculcated in citizens, particularly the young.
  30. My recommendations are as follows:-
    1. that it be accepted in principle that Ireland must play a prominent role in the United Nations Organisation and that everything must be done to ensure that our contribution is effective and likely to bring credit and distinction to the country;
    2. that steps be taken forthwith to formulate the principles and, so far as possible, the details of the different aspects of our foreign policy having regard to the matters outlined in this Memorandum and that, with this object in view, the Minister for External Affairs should prepare a draft statement of those principles and details for early consideration by the Government.9
    3. that a separate permanent Mission should be accredited to the United Nations Organisation, headed by an Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary without any other functions and with appropriate staff (including a Press Officer) and suitable residence;
    4. that the Ambassador so appointed should be the best qualified and most suitable person that can be secured for the post;
    5. that these appointments be made without delay and that, with this end in view, the Minister for External Affairs should, in consultation with the Minister for Finance, examine forthwith the question of the staffing of the Mission;
    6. that the existing Consulates at Boston, Chicago and San Francisco should forthwith be raised to the status of Consulates-General;
    7. that the following matters should be forthwith examined by the Minister for External Affairs, in consultation with the Minister for Finance:
      1. the adequacy of the existing representation allowances paid to members of our Missions in the United States of America and
      2. the question of presenting a gift to the United Nations;
    1. that the Minister for Industry and Commerce should prepare and submit to the Government forthwith a plan for following up the efforts that have been made to secure the investment of American capital in Irish industry, and for keeping in close touch with well-disposed groups and persons in the United States of America;
    2. that the Minister for External Affairs should consider and submit recommendations to the Government on
      1. the question of maintaining close and continuous contact with Irish-Americans and Irish-American organisations in the United States of America,
      2. the adequate documentation and instruction of our delegations to the meetings of the Council of Europe and its Committees so that, as far as possible, a line of policy may be agreed on the subjects that arise,
      3. the creation, on the lines suggested in paragraph 24, of a greater and more informed interest in foreign affairs amongst our people at home.
      4. the appointment of a Press Officer to one of the Consulates-General – preferably in New York;
      5. the establishment of Honorary Consulates in Baltimore and in other places in the United States where necessary and also in South Africa and
      6. whether a more active policy should be adopted in the exercise of Irish influence in the assistance of Irish missionaries – and Catholic missionaries everywhere;
    1. that the Minister for Defence should consider the question of Army ceremonial and of an improved and more extended use of the National Flag, and submit his recommendations to the Government; and
    2. that the Government should establish a Committee to consider and report on all other means for securing widespread support and respect for national institutions.10

1 Richard C. Lee (1916-2003), United States politician (Democrat), Mayor of New Haven, Connecticut (1954-70).

2 Alfred W. Griswold (1906-63), President of Yale University (1951-63).

3 See No. 408 for Ambassador John J. Hearne's account of this discussion.

4 See No. 409.

5 Not printed.

6 George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950), Irish-born writer and dramatist, winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1925.

7 See No. 405.

8 Dr. James Patrick Beddy (1900-76), public servant and economist, Chairman of the Industrial Development Authority (1949-65).

9 See No. 421.

10 The memorandum and its conclusions were agreed by Cabinet on 18 May 1956 (G.C. 7/120).



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