No. 534 NAI TSCH/3/S9361/F

Memorandum for Government by the Department of External Affairs
'A Solution of Partition Problem by Peaceful Means'
(321/209)

Dublin, 29 January 1957

  1. The Minister for External Affairs is, in accordance with the recent decision of the Government,1 preparing a general Memorandum which will outline the various peaceful ways by which the re-integration of our national territory might be achieved. The general Memorandum will include the outlines on which (i) proposals for a complete settlement might be based and (ii) the economic, social and political impact on the Twenty-Six Counties of such a settlement might be tentatively assessed. The Minister for External Affairs regrets that it was not possible to complete the general Memorandum for today’s meeting of the Government; he hopes, however, to be in a position to submit it for the Government’s meeting of the 5th February. In the meantime, however, there is a certain aspect of the Partition problem which requires urgent consideration and which the Minister for External Affairs desires to place before the Government. In doing so he wishes to emphasise that the recommendations contained in today’s Memorandum could serve as a useful preliminary to the carrying into effect of the broader proposals which may emerge as a result of the general Memorandum. In any event the actions recommended in today’s Memorandum would in no way prejudice any other measures which may be considered desirable.
  2. During the past month Mr. Edward McAteer, MP, Chairman of the Anti-Partition League, has informed the Minister for External Affairs that, despite the apparently unpropitious climate, hints made by some important Unionists to one of Mr. McAteer’s colleagues indicate that the feeling is growing in important Unionist circles that much of the present outbreaks of violence are due to the total frustration of all the normal constitutional political activities of the Northern Nationalists, aggravated further by sectarian discrimination. Mr. McAteer put forward the suggestion that since the Stormont authorities appear to be coming to the point of view that the continuation of discrimination is only laying the foundations for future outbreaks of violence, the moment is opportune for a direct approach to the British Government with a view to obtaining some amelioration of the economic and political position of the Nationalist minority in the Six Counties. Mr. McAteer emphasises that on matters of this kind the Stormont Government would find it extremely difficult to run counter to any suggestions made today by the British Government, even if it is in a constitutional position to ignore such suggestions in regard to the activities of Local Government bodies.
  3. The Minister for External Affairs considers Mr. McAteer’s suggestion is a good one and worthy of the most serious consideration. Since the Government has abjured force as a solution of the problem of Partition it follows that one of the few positive lines of action that can be taken is a strengthening of the position of the Nationalist minority in the Six Counties and that any action leading to more effective representation whether from Westminster, Stormont or Local bodies and to improve the social and economic position of the Nationalists is a positive advance on the road to the ending of Partition. Furthermore the Irish Government is under a certain moral obligation to protect as far as it can the Nationalists in the Six Counties.
  4. The implementation of Mr. McAteer’s suggestion is therefore very much in the national interest. The Minister for External Affairs considers that even if the British Government were to adopt an intransigent attitude on the question the representations made would not be quite useless. If for instance it was decided to take up the question of discrimination in the North with the United Nations it would be a very telling argument that the Irish Government had brought these matters to the attention of the British Government which had refused to do anything about it.
  5. While Mr. McAteer’s optimism that representations made at the present moment would be effective is based almost solely on his knowledge of the Six County situation, there are several factors which also suggest that the time is opportune for an approach to the British Government. Firstly, the cross-border raids have fixed the attention of the British Government on the question of Partition which, as is well known, is usually quietly ignored. Secondly, Britain’s international position after the Suez debacle and with [the] self-determination question in Cyprus and other international embarrassments on her hands is such that anything which would lead to a respite from trouble at her backdoor would be welcome. Thirdly the prospect of the continued use of the re-enforced garrisons of the British Army in the Six Counties together with periodic destruction of military property must be considered by the British Government to be an annoying waste of money at a difficult time. In the circumstances, the Minister is of the opinion that the Macmillan Government might find it difficult to reject reasonable representations on behalf of the Nationalist minority in the Six Counties. In this connection it will be recalled that an important element of British public opinion has recently admitted that Britain has in the Partition problem ‘an unresolved and explosive political problem’ (London Times, 19th December 1956) and that ‘the British Government must stop pretending that the problem does not exist’ (Manchester Guardian, 15th December 1956). With regard to Britain’s international embarrassments we are in a position of some strength since we could threaten to add to these by raising the question of discrimination in the Six Counties at the United Nations.
  6. Mr. McAteer has given it as his opinion from the Stormont point of view that representations to the British Government, to be effective, should be made at Cabinet level. The Minister for External Affairs is of the opinion that an approach by the Ambassador in London would be more easily brushed aside with administrative delays than one made personally at Cabinet level. Furthermore it is almost certain that any approach on the lines recommended in this Memorandum would be met with a request for an extradition treaty. On this point one political leader talking to another is in a position to indicate simply that any Government advocating this course would be thrown out immediately. It will be recalled that Stormont has always washed its hands of Six County local bodies when Nationalists brought up discrimination, and gerrymandering (the election machinery is in the hands of the local authorities.) In Westminster the reply to discrimination questions when raised by Irish Nationalists has always been that the British Government had no authority in the matter. Although it is apparent that both Stormont and Westminster could do something if they wished it is obvious that the efficacy of the proposed representations will depend heavily on the Party and personal relations between the Conservative and Unionist Governments. On this plane the professional diplomatist is at a definite disadvantage and an approach at the political level would have a better chance of success.
  7. In the circumstances the Minister for External Affairs considers it desirable to approach the British Government at the highest possible level in London at the earliest possible moment on the following lines. He would express the serious concern of the Irish Government at the recent outbreaks of violence made more tragic by the recent death of three Irishmen.2 He would point out that while every step is being taken to prevent further outbreaks of violent action and that these will probably have a definite effect for some time the same situation would inevitably rise again and again as long as constitutional activity is rendered futile for Six County Nationalists by discrimination in regard to the franchise at parliamentary level and in regard to housing and employment on the level of local administration. It would therefore be in the British Government’s own interest to approach the Six County Government with a view to alleviating if not eliminating such discrimination. These are matters which the Irish Government may yet be forced to raise in the United Nations, a course of action which would only embarrass further the British Government. In the meantime while we are doing our best to restrain our citizens on this side of the Border and to exercise a moderating influence on Nationalists in the Six Counties the Irish Government feels that its efforts are futile when its advocacy of constitutional behaviour is shown to be useless and when religious discrimination is carried on with the full approval, encouragement and connivance from the Stormont authorities. He understands that the constitutional position of the Stormont authorities is such that the British Government could not order the former to end discrimination but he is simply asking the British Government to bring its moral force quietly to bear on this issue and having particular regard to the close liaison between the Conservative and Unionist Parties he is confident that the word of the British Government would carry considerable weight and effect. In conclusion the Minister could sound the British Government on the necessity of opening a three-cornered discussion between the authorities of Dublin, Belfast and London on this and any other matters of common concern, with the exception, of course, of combined police activity or extradition arrangements.
  8. The Minister for External Affairs therefore requests the authority of the Government to make representations at the highest possible level to the British Government in London at the earliest possible moment on the lines indicated in Paragraph 7. Since such action, if publicly known, would be considered as an achievement for the policy adopted by the advocates of violence it is obviously essential that the primary purpose of the Minister’s visit should not be publicly known. The problem of the Free Trade Area affords a convenient reason for the Minister’s proposed visit. Indeed the Minister considers that there may be some points regarding the Free Trade Area on which he might legitimately seek the views of the British Government and this would place him in a better position to avoid embarrassing enquiries either from the press or in the Dáil.

1 It is not clear to which meeting this refers. No decision on the preparation of such a memorandum can be found in the related volume of Cabinet minutes (NAI DT 2/2/17).

2 Fergal O'Hanlon, Seán South and RUC Constable John Scally.


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